The African Union can thrive in the new world order
But first, three things need to change.
Carlos Lopes
The African Union has made significant strides in its mission to unite the continent and propel it towards a prosperous future. A great example of this is the establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area, which lays a foundation for continental economic co-operation.
Yet there are deeper, underlying problems that make it hard to progress further. Unless these are resolved, the continental body will remain a passive observer on the world stage. Given the rapid shifts in global geopolitics that are currently underway, it is more important than ever that the African Union is able to effectively protect and promote the interests of this continent and its people.
These are the three issues that the AU needs to resolve first.
The most critical is also the most contentious: the principle of subsidiarity, which is the most persistent obstacle to effective regional integration. This is the idea that regional bodies – like the Southern African Development Community, the Economic Community of West African States and the East African Community – should play a leading role in resolving conflict within their own spheres. This principle has been repeatedly undermined in practice, with neighbouring countries too often using it to promote their own interests rather than contribute to regional peacebuilding.
The principle of subsidiarity has also been weaponised by states who invoke it to prevent the African Union, or other international actors, from playing a more active role in conflict resolution. This is one reason why regional efforts to defuse the wars in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have failed, with such devastating consequences.
The second major challenge is Africa’s fragmented and ineffective voice on the global stage. Rather than presenting a unified front in international talks, Africa’s position is often splintered, reducing its influence and bargaining power. And whether in climate negotiations, trade talks, or efforts to reform the international financial system, Africa’s approach often revolves around asking for more aid – without challenging the structural barriers that continue to hinder its development.
For example, in climate negotiations, Africa’s stance has typically been centred around asking for more financial support, even though the promises made in previous agreements have not been honoured. This focus on aid, rather than regulatory reforms that would support long-term industrialisation and economic transformation, keeps Africa stuck in a cycle of dependency.
Now that the aid is disappearing – both the United States and the United Kingdom are drastically reducing their funding for international development, with other rich countries potentially following suit – the AU needs to find another, more assertive approach.
The key to this may lie in the current conversation around renewable energy and critical minerals. Africa is once again being positioned as a mere supplier of the commodities – lithium, cobalt, rare earth elements, green hydrogen – needed for global energy transitions. Powerful nations, in particular, continue to treat Africa as a resource base to fuel their green energy ambitions. And they will continue to do so, unless the AU seeks to set the global agenda rather than serve it.
The third issue lies within the AU: the internal effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions. Despite the efforts of the AU Reform Team, to which I belonged, that have focused on improving funding formulas, talent management, and budgetary restraint, much remains to be done. The AU continues to rely on external donors, limiting its ability to chart its own course and control its agenda. The lack of financial independence makes the AU vulnerable to external pressures, which in turn hampers its capacity to implement its strategic priorities effectively.
Moreover, the institution’s internal governance structures, though improved, still face significant challenges in terms of managerial effectiveness and the efficient use of resources.
Until the AU’s financial independence is fully realised, and its internal machinery becomes more agile and responsive, the organisation will continue to be constrained by a lack of autonomy.
It is against this backdrop that the recent election of Mahmoud Ali Youssouf as chairperson of the AU Commission, with Selma Malika Haddadi as deputy chairperson, offers a renewed sense of hope. Their experience as seasoned diplomats – well-versed in the intricacies of Addis Ababa’s diplomatic dynamics – offers a real opportunity for reform.
Youssouf and Haddadi are acutely aware of the shortcomings that have plagued the AU and are uniquely positioned to push for necessary changes. T heir diplomatic skill and political savvy will be crucial as they work to recalibrate Africa’s approach, both internally and on the international stage.